The Price of Treating Housing as an Investment
9th June 2026
Jenny Danson
Decades of treating housing as investment rather than social provision have produced failing homes, broken complaints systems and health consequences the sector is only beginning to confront.
The policy context
The UK housing sector did not arrive at its current condition through accident. Investigative journalist Pete Apps, contributing editor at Inside Housing and author of two significant works on the housing crisis, identifies a philosophical shift unfolding across four decades: the progressive reframing of housing from a social provision, comparable to health and education, to an investment vehicle underpinned by banking deregulation and the demutualisation of building societies.
At a glance
London’s 33 boroughs spend approximately £5 million per day on temporary accommodation, the majority flowing directly to private landlords and agents.
Tenants who contact journalists, regulators or advocacy bodies are almost always doing so as a last resort, after months or years of unresolved complaints within the formal system.
Using the NHS or a state school carries no social stigma. Living in social housing does. That difference did not happen by accident.
This ideological shift is more consequential than any single policy decision. It explains why affordability has deteriorated to the point of crisis, and why social housing carries a stigma that the NHS and state education do not.
Understanding this framing matters for housing providers because it contextualises the conditions in which residents present their complaints, experience their homes and make demands on services. Tenants living with damp, mould, heat network failures or unsafe conditions are, in many cases, living with the accumulated consequences of a system designed around asset management rather than need.
The complaints system and health impact
One of the clearest practical expressions of systemic failure is the complaints process. Tenants who eventually contact journalists, regulators or advocacy organisations are almost always doing so as a last resort, typically after months or years within the formal complaints system without resolution.
What housing providers may read as disengagement or distrust on the part of residents frequently reflects earned scepticism. Repeated assurances, logged responses and closed cases that delivered no material improvement produce a rational response: escalation outside the system.
The mental health consequences of living in a home that causes direct physical harm are severe and consistently underacknowledged. The home is the one setting where people expect relief from external pressures. When the home itself is the source of harm, through cold, damp, poor air quality or persistent disrepair, there is no equivalent refuge. How housing providers frame and record their responses to these conditions rarely captures this dimension adequately.
Frontline staff and organisational culture
Frontline complaints and housing management staff are routinely expected to absorb the effects of systemic failures they did not create and cannot resolve individually. The result is compassion fatigue, a predictable consequence of sustained exposure to distressing and often unresolvable cases.
This is relevant not only as a staff wellbeing issue but as an organisational performance concern. Staff experiencing high levels of stress or emotional exhaustion are less likely to identify escalating risk in individual cases, or to advocate effectively for structural repairs and service escalation.
Legislative reform and its limits
Recent and forthcoming legislation represents genuine progress. The abolition of Section 21 no-fault evictions under the Renters’ Rights Act removes a mechanism that has, since its introduction in 1988, operated as a structural driver of the power imbalance between landlords and tenants. Building safety reforms, and the forthcoming revision of the Decent Homes Standard, extend regulatory obligations in important ways.
The limits of these reforms are nonetheless real. None addresses the underlying ideological framework: housing treated as an investment asset rather than a social need. Landlords may respond to Section 21 abolition by shifting supply towards short-let or rent-to-rent arrangements, reducing available stock and sustaining upward pressure on rents. Legislative change at the margin does not alter market incentives at their core.
Resource allocation and prevention
On the question of how public resources are currently deployed, London’s 33 boroughs spend approximately £5 million per day on temporary accommodation, the majority of which flows directly to private landlords and agents. Redirecting even a portion of that expenditure towards building a permanent public sector housing stock would represent better social policy and better economics over the medium term.
The broader point is structural. The public sector is currently spending at scale to manage the consequences of insufficient permanent housing. As fiscal pressures increase, the question of whether that expenditure could be partially redirected towards prevention becomes more pressing for housing providers, local authorities and policymakers alike.
From a building performance and resident health perspective, the implications align with what the sector already knows but does not consistently act upon: persistent reactive maintenance is more expensive and less effective than investment in stock condition. The health impacts of poor housing are measurable, and the economic costs of inaction are not trivial.
Practical steps for housing providers
Review complaints data as a narrative resource rather than a volume metric. Identify tenants who have raised the same issue more than twice and examine what each stage of the response process actually delivered, not what was logged as delivered.
Audit responses to recurring disrepair complaints. Where temporary fixes are being applied repeatedly to the same properties, examine whether the pattern reflects a systemic stock condition issue that warrants a structural review rather than further reactive responses.
Invest in the wellbeing of frontline complaints and housing management staff. Compassion fatigue is a predictable consequence of sustained exposure to unresolvable cases and warrants active management through supervision, case support and reflective practice.
Examine the gap between stated organisational values around resident voice and listening, and what tenants report experiencing. Structured conversations with residents who have had poor complaints experiences will produce more useful intelligence than satisfaction surveys.
Consider whether any portion of temporary accommodation expenditure could be redirected to support longer-term housing solutions. Even modest structural changes to how emergency housing spend is managed can reduce dependency on the private market over time.
Assess whether organisational performance measures, including KPIs, satisfaction scores and response times, are capturing the health and wellbeing outcomes that residents are actually experiencing, or whether they are measuring process compliance at the expense of meaningful accountability.
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